LESSON 4: SUNDAY'S BEST

During the course of live in domestic service, many African American women had to wear specific uniforms for their duties. In the transition to live out domestic service, African American women began to dress very fashionably for Sunday church services. These fashions consisted of bright colors, double breasted suits, and fine fabrics. "Daily work styles were plain, but women dressed up themselves and their families specially for Sunday worship"(Lynch 82). Dressing up in high fashion was a source of pride for many African American women who had to wear uniforms for work 6 days a week. "After stripping off the stigma of the uniform, the migrant women triumphantly donned hats and dresses and presented themselves at Sunday day church to celebrate their arrival in the promised land of free society"(Clark-Lewis 169). The fashions African American women proudly wear are symbols of independence and freedom.

Clark-Lewis refers to fashion as one mode of expression among the liberated African American domestic workers. It is a visual representation of their culture. "Aesthetic expression through dress and appearance was a ready means for African Americans to reformulate cultural definitions of male and female gender on the American continent" (Lynch 82). Fashion was important to these women, not only as a display of freedom, but also as a cultural statement. "The church was a place where black women's moral character, beauty, style was openly recognized and appreciated. At church a black woman could walk down the aisle holding her head up high topped with a fancy and heavily decorated hat and wearing a style that reflected her African American heritage. White observers to the dress of black churchgoers continued to notice differences between their own dress choices and those worn by African Americans" (Lynch 85).

There is a Biblical reference to the importance of a woman covering her head in church for more than just style. Hats, commonly refered to as crowns, have not only set a style for African American women, but they also have continued as a religious tradition.
As stated in the Holy Bible: Corinthians (I.11.5):
"5. But any woman who prays or prophesies with her head unveiled brings shame upon her head, for it is one and the same thing as if she had had her head shaved. 6. For if a woman does not have her head veiled, she may as well have her hair cut off or her head shaved, then she should wear a veil."

Covering your head has turned into a fashion statement for African American women. Swayzyne Savage reveals that the confident and mature woman adorns the crown. Hats have served a purpose to cover the woman's head in church, but their styles and fashion have become their own statements. As many African American domestic workers began to experience the freedom of Sundays off from work, they began to embrace their individuality and cultural heritage. It was a way for the women to not only display their independence, but to also feel it. "Many women were proud to wear clothing they felt challenged the negative images people had of service workers" (Clark-Lewis 150). In this sense, fashion was not only a physical freedom, but also an emotional outlet for African American women's expression. As this Sunday culture was established for African American women, time has led Sunday styles through many areas of change, but ultimately they still continue to glorify God.

This is an excerpt from "Church Dress"

LESSON 3: AFRICAN AMERICAN ADORNMENT

The adornment of African-Americans was also a way to maintain cultural identity. While many European-Americans chose to follow the styles of earlier England, Spain, France, and the remainder of Europe, African-Americans reflected the ideals of dress that they once had in Africa. The stylistic manner in which their clothing draped over their bodies was unique to their cultural heritage and consequently provided a sense of cultural identity. The hairstyles reflected the traditional ways of the African homeland. With shells, beads, and braids, African-American women echoed the cry for freedom that so many other slaves shared by stressing their individuality. African-American style and dress was unique to the African-American culture.

This is an excerpt from an essay by G. Brandon Brown.
READ MORE HERE

CASE #2 MISCONCEPTIONS

Lena Williams identifies some of the little things that whites do that can be interpreted as showing prejudice by black Americans. Harvard Psychiatrist Alvin Poussaint says these micro-aggressions experienced by Blacks eventually take a toll. He calls it “death by a thousand nicks.” Examples of the nicks that whites cause are listed below.

1. “The Hair Thing” -- White women shaking their hair or running their hands through it in public are seen by many Blacks as engaging in a derisive act. The reasons are largely historical. Black hair has been portrayed as less beautiful than that of whites, especially the long straight hair of white women. Touching one’s hair draws attention to a difference that has deep racial undertones to Blacks.

2. “The Invisible Black Man or Woman” -- Black people can feel very slighted when white people walk past and do not make way for him or her, cut in front of him or her in line, or in some other fail to acknowledge his or her presence. Not saying hello can be seen as a sign of disrespect due to the history of invisibleness blacks have suffered due to racism in our country.

3. “The Look” -- The look refers to those all too frequent occurrences when Whites look at Blacks with the assumption that they fit the negative stereotypes of holding jobs that require little education or in the case of Black males are dangerous. “The look” is the facial expression Whites have a difficult time hiding when to their surprise the person in front of them does not fit their conscious or unconscious assumption.

4. “You Won’t Find Us Up in Those Woods” – Many Blacks feel uncomfortable with the degree of attention they get when they find themselves in places that are mainly white. Lena Williams calls it “being the fly in a pan of milk”.

5. William’s list of things that irk Black students in school include when White students:

a. play only White music at school functions

b. think all black people are alike

c. think they aren’t prejudice because they like Black stars like Michael Jordan

d. talk to Blacks in class but exclude them from parties

e. don’t want Blacks to date White girls

f. think black students only get to college through affirmative action

g. think that black students are antisocial because they don’t sit next to whites

h. assume that blacks are incapable of succeeding in rigorous academic study

6. “Two Nations” – Segregation still takes place in America, especially in terms of where we live. Blacks still feel largely unwanted in white neighborhoods and schools. When the number of blacks increases beyond a certain point, many white parents decide to move or switch their children to private school.

7. “Make Yourself at Home” – Many black parents feel that white parents are much too lenient with their children. Blacks are sometimes uncomfortable feeling they must put up with behavior by white children that they would find unacceptable. Lack of respect for one’s elders can draw swift punishment including strong reprimands and spankings in many black families.

8. “Black is beautiful” – Our society still makes it difficult for blacks to see women with African features referred to as beautiful. The predominance of models with thin noses and straight fine hair is significant in a society where mass media has such a heavy influence. Even finding a black Barbie that doesn’t look like a white Barbie with a tan is difficult.

9. “Twice as Hard, Half as Far” – Many blacks believe that they must work much harder to receive the credit more easily given to whites.

10. “Trusting Whites” – Many blacks resent the assumption by many whites that they should automatically trust what the media says. A long history of racism has taught black Americans to be very wary of the press and proclamations by those in positions of any other kind of power dominated by white Americans.

11. “First Name Basis” – Most black adults expect that they will be called by their last names unless they know someone well. This is seen as a proper sign of respect and many blacks resent the assumption made by whites that they can casually refer to someone they hardly know by their first name. Nicknames and abbreviated forms of a name are also seen as disrespectful

12. “Articulate” – Whites may feel they are complimenting someone who is black when they refer to him or her as being articulate. To many blacks this sounds like one would expect them to be inarticulate and therefore this is being noted because it is such a surprise.

13. “The Black Problem” – Many whites believe that blacks are to be feared due to the large number of crimes they commit. In fact, most black crime is against other blacks. Too often, blacks are easy targets for police and immediately presumed guilty. Even groups of blacks gathering together for no other reason than to hang out are viewed suspiciously.

14. “You Got a Sunburn?” – Many whites are ignorant of the fact that black skin is not protection from the effects of the sun. Black skin gets darker in the sun, sunburns, and needs protection just like the skin of white people.

15. “He’s a Natural” – Far too many good black athletes are described as “natural” athletes while their white counterparts are described as “smart” and “hustlers”.

CASE #1 AFRICAN AMERICANS & WELFARE

The politics surrounding welfare, particularly since the 1960s, have always been entwined with race and racism. During the "great migration" between the early 1940s and the late 1960s, more than five million African Americans left the South for cities in the North. As Piven and Cloward (1), Wilson (2), Lemann (3), and many others have documented, this migration left many African Americans stranded in poor urban neighborhoods, with diminishing access to jobs and other resources that promote social and economic security and well-being. Concentrated poverty and urban unrest were two of the consequences of this social process, and they have been influential in shaping poverty policy.
Martin Gilens picks up the story nearly 40 years later when the government, ironically under the leadership of a Democratic President, abandoned its long-standing commitment to caring for poor women and their children by rescinding their entitlement to public assistance. President Clinton signed the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act, the so-called welfare reform act, in August 1996. Dr. Gilens, a political scientist, asks why this change occurred and suggests some interesting answers.
By analyzing numerous surveys about attitudes of Americans, particularly white Americans, toward many social topics, the author develops the following hypothesis: Americans support helping the poor and are willing to support social programs that do not directly serve their own class interests; however, they are averse to supporting welfare because they believe that it primarily benefits African Americans and that African Americans lack a suitable work ethic.
White Americans believe that the majority of welfare recipients are black, even though the majority are white, because the news media consistently portray images of African Americans when reporting on poverty and welfare, Dr. Gilens points out. And to make matters worse, sympathetic stories about poverty are more likely to feature white families while critical stories more often than not focus on African Americans. Dr. Gilens explores possible reasons for this perspective, focusing on how attitudes are formed.

THIS IS AN EXCERPT FROM THE BOOK REVIEW OF MICHAEL GILENS' WHY AMERICANS HATE WELFARE: RACE MEDIA AND THE POLITICS OF ANTIPOVERTY POLICY BY: Joshua Miller, Ph.D., M.S.W.

READ MORE HERE
AND HERE

LESSON 2: NICKNAMES MEAN MORE THAN YOU THINK

Names have always been matters of great importance in the culture and history of the peoples of West and Central Africa. They are given at stages in an individual's life, and, as in so many traditional cultures in which magic played an important part of life, the real name given at birth by a particular relative must be kept secret lest it fall into the hands of someone who might use it in working evil magic against the person. Among Africans, moreover, a person's name may change over time. Assuming a new designation or name on the occasion of some striking occurrence in one's life was a generally accepted practice in African history. Names might change, too, when a person passed through one of the rites marking a new stage in his or her development In the Americas, naming practices among the enslaved were African in origin. As Africans did, African Americans changed their names corresponding to major changes in the life of the individual.

Sojourner Truth, the great crusader for black emancipation and the equality of women, was known as Isabella until age 20, when she was freed and left her master's plantation. She had a vision in a dream that told her about her new name and her mission to free her people. And, the modern African-American leader, Malcolm X, was known at various stages of his life as Malcolm Little, Homeboy, Detroit Red, Big Red, Satan, Malcolm, El-hajji, and Mali El Shabazz.

A more direct survivor of African naming-practices is the use of nicknames. Almost every black person in slavery was known by two names: a given name and a name used only within the family circle. Lorenzo Dow Turner found a dual naming system that has survived among the Gullah-speaking African Americans living in the Sea Islands of South Carolina. This system consists of an English (American) name given at birth and a more intimate name used exclusively by the family and community. Turner was surprised that previous scholarship had failed to note this practice or the importance of Africanisms in Gullah nomenclature. Recognizing this dual naming practice among enslaved Africans in the 18th century, slaveholders, in their advertisements of runaways in the South Carolina Gazette, always included both the "proper" (given) names and "country names" (the African names slaves retained).
In African-American naming practices, every child receives a given name at birth and a nickname that generally follows the individual throughout life. Some examples of these nicknames are Jo Jo, June, Tiny Baby, O.K., John-John, Mercy-Mercy, Baby Sister, Sister, "T," Sunny Main, Bo, Boo, Bad Boy, Playboy, and Fats. Among enslaved Africans, this practice was also evident in names used by slaves, such as Pie Ya, Puddin'-tame, Frog, Tennie C., Monkey, Mush, Cooter, John De Baptist, Fat-Man, Preacher, Jack Rabbit, Sixty, AND Pop Corn.

This is an excerpt from "African American Names" by Joseph E. Holloway, Ph.D.
READ MORE HERE

LESSON 1: THE STORY OF HOTTENTOTS VENUS?

The first image is one of Ssehura, a young Khoisan girl orphaned in 1700's South Africa who was renamed Saartjie (Sarah) Baartman and known as the "Hottentots Venus" because of her pronounced buttocks and genitals. She was kidnapped from South Afrika in 1810 and exhibited like a wild beast in the nude in Europe after William Dunlop, a ship's doctor, told her that she could earn a fortune by allowing foreigners to look at her body.
Instead she became a freak-show attraction who was continuously investigated by pseudo scientists and put under the voyeuristic eye of the general public.

For several years, working-class Londoners crowded around to shout vulgarities at the protruding buttocks of this unfortunate woman, but the shape she had was most admired and desired by her countrymen, so in imitation, European (white) women created and wore a large pad around their waist to mimic that shape, from which the Bustle evolved, setting a major fashion trend into motion. When Sarah died, her buttocks were put on display in a museum in France until as recently as 1985. She became an icon for South African women who continue to suffer abuse and exploitation.

Sara is the short-name used these days for Saartjie Baartman, a Khoisan slave woman who at the tender age of 20 was taken from Cape Town to London and then on to Paris to be displayed naked in their streets and at their circuses like an animal her European audiences viewed her to be. Her story is a tearful and moving one. It is at once the story of an everyday woman, a human being, one of us, treated in the most grotesque ways, used as "scientific proof" of "European white superiority."

But it is also a story about the more widespread "social, political, scientific and philosophical assumptions which transformed one young African woman into a representation of savage sexuality and racial inferiority." Finally, her story is one that provokes us to look in some detail at the power of imagery to form opinions, and the way such power has been employed to depict people of color, especially women of color.

Since this story was published in February 2002, Sara's remains have been returned to South Africa. Saartjie Baartman's skeleton and bottled organs -- long stored at a French natural history museum -- were turned over to South African officials on April 29 at a ceremony in Paris, the culmination of years of requests by countrymen who wanted to bring her home.

READ THE END OF THIS SHOCKING LESSON HERE